6 Canada Immigration Changes Conservatives Want In The New Plan

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre turned Question Period on October 22, 2026, into a sustained offensive on the Liberal government’s immigration record, accusing Prime Minister Mark Carney of losing control of the system.

Poilievre demanded a fundamental overhaul of how Canada sets its permanent resident targets, centring his attack on a Statistics Canada population revision that added roughly 300,000 people to the country’s estimated population.

The opposition leader’s core challenge was direct: how can Ottawa set new immigration targets when it cannot accurately count who is already in the country?

Earlier that morning, Conservative immigration critic Michelle Rempel Garner and colleague Brad Redekopp laid out detailed demands at a Parliamentary Press Gallery conference.

Their list included dramatically lower immigration levels, real exit tracking, provincial involvement in target-setting, and a crackdown on fraud.

Redekopp specifically targeted the Express Entry system’s upcoming November 3 high-wage job offer changes, warning the new rules could enable wage suppression and employer fraud.

Poilievre Challenges Government Over Population Numbers

The opposition leader opened his round of questions by going straight at the Statistics Canada revision that had upended the government’s population narrative.

In June, the government had claimed that the population was shrinking, but Statistics Canada’s updated figures told a sharply different story.

Approximately 300,000 more people were living in Canada than the government had reported, according to the revised estimates.

Poilievre’s question to the House was blunt: how can the Prime Minister tell foreign media that Canada needs more immigration when the government cannot track who is already here?

The Statistics Canada revision, released on September 23, 2026, estimated Canada’s population at 41,798,407 on July 1, 2026.

That figure represented an increase of 189,425 over the preceding year, contradicting the earlier interim estimates that had shown a population decline.

Updated estimates of the temporary resident population drove the revision, with the count turning out to be roughly 240,000 larger than Ottawa had claimed.

Poilievre was careful to draw a line between immigrants and the policy framework that governs their entry into Canada.

Immigrants themselves are not to blame, he told the House, calling them hard-working, law-abiding people who have been failed by a Liberal government that destroyed the system.

To back his case, Poilievre cited a string of figures: the immigration backlog up 2,500% since the government took office, temporary foreign worker permits up 135%, and the temporary resident population up 260%.

Government Deflects, Points To Past Conservative Voting Record

With the Prime Minister absent, responses came primarily from Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne and a minister substituting for the immigration portfolio.

The Minister of Veterans Affairs offered only a brief reply, saying the government has been working on immigration and would have more to share soon.

Champagne took a more aggressive approach, pivoting away from immigration and toward the Conservative opposition’s voting record in the House.

The opposition leader has been in the House for over 20 years, Champagne noted, and has repeatedly voted against measures that would have helped Canadians.

The Conservatives’ vote against the Canada Groceries and Essentials Benefit drew particular attention, with Champagne calling it a program that is putting food on the table for 12 million Canadians.

On the immigration question directly, the government’s line was that the Prime Minister has taken back control of the system and ensured sustainable levels.

When Poilievre pivoted to provincial control, arguing that provinces deliver health care, jobs, and housing, a government minister countered that Ottawa already works with provinces on the temporary foreign worker program to ensure flexibility where labour shortages exist.

The government also accused the Conservative caucus of demonizing both immigration and immigrants, a charge Poilievre rejected outright.

If anyone should be apologizing to immigrants, Poilievre responded, it is the Liberal government for destroying the system and letting corporate interests use vulnerable newcomers to drive wages down and rents up.

6 Canada Immigration Changes Outlined By Conservatives

In a press conference held earlier that day and published on her Substack, Rempel Garner detailed the Conservative Party’s formal position ahead of the expected tabling of the next Immigration Levels Plan.

The current 2026–2028 plan sets a target of 380,000 permanent resident admissions annually across all three years, with a planning range of 350,000 to 420,000.

The Conservatives did not release a specific alternative PR target, but their position was unambiguous: levels must go “way down, not up,” and any Liberal attempt to raise admissions will face vigorous opposition.

First, bring the numbers down. Unemployed and underemployed Canadians must get first priority for jobs, housing starts must catch up with demand, and hospitals and family doctors cannot continue to absorb the strain.

Immigration, in the Conservative framing, must return to helping newcomers integrate rather than serving as a corporate tool to suppress wages.

Second, restore integrity to the system. People in Canada with no legal right to remain should face swift removal, with stronger security and identity checks on every applicant.

The demand also included an end to lenient criminal sentences designed to avoid deportation and a crackdown on document fraud, study permit scams, and job-offer sales.

Third, set levels together with provinces and territories based on what their housing, hospitals, schools, and social services can actually handle rather than from an Ottawa boardroom.

The Immigration Minister, Rempel Garner noted, has already admitted that provinces were not consulted on health care capacity when immigration levels were set.

Poilievre previewed this argument two days earlier in an October 20 statement following Alberta’s referendum, saying provinces should control immigration selection and numbers because they provide the services and build the housing.

Fourth, prove the government knows who is in the country. The Auditor General’s March 2026 finding underscored the gap in the government’s tracking capacity.

Of roughly 39,500 international students whose permits expired in 2024, only about 16,000 could be confirmed as having actually departed Canada.

The Conservatives are demanding real exit tracking that matches every expired permit against a confirmed departure, along with public numbers that are not designed to flatter the government’s narrative.

Fifth, any plan to open Canada’s borders further through EU trade agreements must be disclosed transparently in the levels plan.

The Conservatives signalled they will oppose any attempt to import what they described as the EU’s open borders policies into Canadian immigration.

Sixth, invest in Canadians already here. The best workers, Rempel Garner argued, are already in Canada’s high schools, trades programs, colleges, and unemployment lines, waiting to be trained and hired.

Redekopp Targets Express Entry Changes Set For November 3

Brad Redekopp used his portion of the press conference to zero in on the Express Entry changes IRCC announced on October 16, 2026, which take effect November 3.

Under the new rules, Express Entry will award additional CRS points for Canadian work experience or a qualifying job offer in a high-wage occupation.

An occupation qualifies as high-wage when its median wage reaches at least 1.3 times the national median across all Canadian occupations.

From November 3, qualifying job offers will no longer require an LMIA for Express Entry program eligibility or CRS points.

High-wage occupation requirements apply to CRS job-offer points, while qualifying FSW and FST offers may also be in other eligible occupations.

This LMIA removal covers Express Entry only and does not eliminate the requirement for employer-sponsored work permits under the Temporary Foreign Worker Program.

Redekopp’s critique targeted three problems with the new framework, each centred on what he sees as a gap between the policy’s design and its real-world consequences.

The wage, in his analysis, only matters when IRCC classifies an occupation, not when the employer actually writes the paycheque for the individual worker.

Nothing in the rules stops an employer from recruiting a foreign worker at well below the occupation’s median salary, since the high-wage test applies to the job category rather than the offer itself.

Removing the LMIA requirement also eliminates the need to prove that no Canadian is available for the position, which Redekopp warned will make it easier for unscrupulous employers to sell fraudulent job offers for up to $50,000 or more.

A third concern was the absence of any requirement for the worker to actually stay in the offered position after receiving permanent residence.

The job offer, under this arrangement, functions as a gateway to PR status rather than a genuine long-term employment commitment.

These criticisms represent the Conservative opposition’s position on the upcoming policy changes, not enacted rules or confirmed outcomes.

What This Means For Prospective Permanent Residents

Nothing has changed in Canada’s immigration rules or admissions targets as a result of these Conservative demands, and as the official opposition, the Conservatives cannot unilaterally alter the Immigration Levels Plan.

The political pressure still matters for anyone planning a permanent residence application, particularly with the next levels plan approaching.

Under Section 94(1) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, the annual immigration report must be tabled in each House by November 1, or within its next 30 sitting days if that House is not sitting on that date.

The next Immigration Levels Plan covering 2027–2029 is expected under this statutory deadline, and if the Liberals raise levels as signalled, a major political fight is guaranteed.

For Express Entry candidates, the November 3 changes introducing high-wage occupation points and removing the LMIA requirement for qualifying job offers are going ahead as announced regardless of opposition criticism.

Candidates in the Express Entry pool who hold or are pursuing a qualifying job offer should ensure their profiles are updated before November 3.

The October 22 confrontation underscores that immigration will remain one of the most contested political battlegrounds heading into the next budget cycle and the upcoming levels plan.

Poilievre’s repeated use of Question Period to press on immigration, combined with Rempel Garner’s policy blueprint and Redekopp’s Express Entry critique, signals a coordinated Conservative strategy.

The Liberals maintain they have taken back control of the immigration system and that their levels plan is sustainable for Canada’s economy.

Whether the 2027–2029 plan will raise, hold, or cut permanent resident targets remains the central open question, along with whether any Conservative demands around provincial involvement, exit tracking, or fraud enforcement will find their way into government policy.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Have the Conservatives proposed a specific PR admissions number to replace the current 380,000 target?

Rempel Garner and Poilievre have called for levels to go “way down” but have not committed to a specific figure or published an alternative levels plan. Their position centres on capacity-based targets set in partnership with provinces rather than a single national number decided in Ottawa. For context, annual PR admissions during the 2006–2015 period ranged from approximately 237,000 to 281,000, a span that serves as implicit background for the Conservative stance. Until the Conservatives release a formal alternative or win government, their demand remains directional rather than numerical.

Does the Statistics Canada population revision mean 300,000 people entered Canada without being detected?

The revision reflects updated estimates of how many non-permanent residents were already present in Canada, not an influx of undetected arrivals at the border. Statistics Canada revised its interim figures upward by approximately 300,000 in an annual revision incorporating new adjustments to non-permanent resident estimates. The update was larger than usual and incorporated CBSA entry and exit data alongside improved accounting for permit extensions and maintained status. What had appeared to be a population decline became growth of approximately 189,425 over the year ending July 1, 2026, and Poilievre characterized this gap as the government losing track of people.

Will the Express Entry changes on November 3 allow employers to pay below-market wages as Redekopp claims?

The high-wage classification is set at the occupational level, meaning a role qualifies when its median national wage reaches at least 1.3 times the overall Canadian median. That classification determines eligibility for additional CRS points, but nothing in the rules mandates a minimum salary for the individual job offer to the worker. IRCC still requires offers to be genuine and to meet applicable program requirements, though whether those enforcement mechanisms can prevent wage suppression is a matter of ongoing policy debate. The LMIA removal applies to Express Entry points and program eligibility for qualifying offers only, and employer-sponsored work permits under the Temporary Foreign Worker Program still require one.

Can the Conservatives actually block an increase in PR levels if the Liberals move forward?

The Immigration Levels Plan is tabled as part of the government’s annual immigration report and does not require a parliamentary vote to take effect. The Conservatives can oppose it vocally in Question Period and committee and can use opposition days to force non-binding votes, but they cannot unilaterally block a levels increase while in opposition. Their real leverage comes from political pressure and the possibility that public sentiment on immigration may shift the government’s calculations.

When will the next Immigration Levels Plan be released, and what should applicants expect?

Under Section 94(1) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, the annual report must be tabled in each House by November 1, or within that House’s next 30 sitting days if it is not sitting on that date. The 2027–2029 plan will set the first official 2029 targets for both permanent resident admissions and temporary resident arrivals. Carney and Diab have indicated levels could rise, while the Conservatives are pushing hard in the opposite direction, making the plan’s release a politically charged moment. Existing profiles and applications remain subject to applicable program rules, while admissions targets guide overall intake and processing.

Fact-Checked: All parliamentary quotes cited in this article were checked against the supplied House of Commons closed captioning transcript from October 22, 2026. Conservative policy demands were verified against the original press conference transcript published by Michelle Rempel Garner on October 22, 2026.

Disclaimer: This article is for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal or immigration advice. Immigration policies and levels targets are subject to change, and readers should consult a qualified immigration professional or review official information on the IRCC website for guidance specific to their situation.

Kamal Deep Singh, RCIC

Kamal Deep Singh, RCIC (Regulated Canadian Immigration Consultant) licensed by CICC (formerly known as ICCRC) with member number R708618. He brings extensive knowledge of immigration law and new changes to rapidly evolving IRCC.